RESEARCH & STUDIES

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Sexual Assault on College Hookups: The Role of Alcohol and Acquaintances

  • From the Psychology of Women, 2017
  • Article finding that alcohol increases risk on for sexual assault.
  • Other risk factors that can increase the chances for sexual assault include:
    • The Amount of Alcohol Consumption: the odds of experiencing physically forced intercourse are 2.72 and 2.81 times higher for women who consumed 9 drinks or more compared to women who did not drink.
      • However women who had up to 7–8 drinks did not exhibit a significantly higher likelihood of physically forced intercourse compared to those who did not drink on the hookup.
    • Prior Victimizations: women who reported sexual assault during their last hookup were significantly more likely to have experienced either physically forced or incapacitated sexual assault in the past compared to women who had never experienced sexual assault.
      • Women who experienced incapacitated sexual assault on their most recent hookup were 10.75 times more likely to have experienced incapacitated sexual assault in the past.
      • Women who experienced incapacitated sexual assault on their most recent hookup were also 2.31 times more likely to have experienced physically forced intercourse, compared to women who had never experienced sexual assault.
  • Protective factors that can decrease the chances for sexual assault include:
    • Joining a Social Organizations: being an athlete or in a sorority appeared to be protective against incapacitated sexual assault, suggesting that being a part of an organized group may protect against this type of assault.
      • Sorority women are less likely to have vaginal sex and less likely to experience sexual assault during that hookup.
    • Getting Background Information on your Partner: knowing your hookup partner  can decrease chances for sexual assault.
  • Reasons Why This Alcohol May Play A Role in Sexual Assault. 
    •  Men may target extremely drunk women because they are less able to get themselves out of the situation or remember what happened.
    • Men are more likely to sexually assault women who are more intoxicated because perpetrator perceives these women as less deserving of sexual respect.
    •  Gender inequality and sexual double standard may cause perpetrators to target certain women because the perpetrator perceives these women as less deserving of sexual respect..
      • For example, if a woman hooks up with a man whom she does not know at all, it is possible this leads some men to categorize this woman in way that makes them more likely to sexually assault her.
    • Studies show alcohol increases the likelihood of misinterpretation because it lowers individuals’ capacity to interpret complex information.
      • Hence men may misinterpret body language and social cues.
  • Limitations
    • This survey has a small sample size, but this is still significant information.
    • Woman who are sexually assualted may minimize their knowledge of the perpetrator because she was unsuspectedly victimized by the perpetrator.
    • Women who are sexually assaulted may overreport alcohol consumption.
(Photo credit: ave_mario)

(Photo credit: ave_mario)

White Female Bystanders’ Responses to a Black Woman at Risk for Incapacitated Sexual Assault

  • From the Psychology of Women Quarterly, 2017.
  • This article explains how white females were less likely to intervene in a narrative where an black women was susceptible to sexual victimization as opposed to a white women.
  • Reasons Why This May Occur
    • Lack of Empathy and ConnectednessIndividuals feel and act more favorably toward others who are perceived as similar to themselves (in-group) and less favorably toward others who are perceived as different (out-group).
      • Bystanders are less likely to help those who are perceived to be out-group members than in-group members after physical violence 
    • Race Neutral Justification: White people are most likely to discriminate against Black people when discrimination can be justified by race-neutral factors.   

      • Race neutral means not based  on people's race.

      • Bystander Effect as a Race Neutral Justification: the presence of others not intervening  may serve as a race-neutral factor that justifies inaction.

        • Bystander effect is a failure to intervene while in the presence of others matches with past studies of the classic bystander. 

    • Victim Blaming: People may believe any woman drinking alcohol in public, regardless of her race, might be perceived as putting herself at risk for sexual assault.

      •  Perceived Blame and Perceived Pleasure: Negative stereotypes such as the image of the sexually promiscuous Black ‘‘Jezebel’’ who is  perceived as seductive, hypersexual, and manipulative toward men causes A Black woman to be accused of provoking or even desiring her own sexual victimization.

      • Perceived Pleasure: participants felt less personally responsible to intervene with a Black potential victim and perceived the Black potential victim as experiencing greater pleasure than the control victim. 

      • Risk Certainty:  participants may not be certain that the victim is in harm's way. 

  • Limitations

    • Data were collected from a convenience sample of White, 18- to 20-year-old undergraduate women at a pre- dominantly White college, which may limit the external validity of the current findings.

    • It is unclear whether White women would respond similarly to Black women at risk within settings characterized by greater racial and ethnic diversity.  

  • You can read more about the survey findings at this news article where the researchers were surveyed.

Sexual assault victimization disproportionately affects certain minority college students

  • Health Medicine Network, 2017. 
  • This study explains that sexual and racial minorities are a greater risk for sexual victimization.
    • STAGGERING STATISTICS INCLUDE:
      • Non-transgender women had nearly 150 percent greater odds of being sexually assaulted in the past year; WHILE transgender people were at even greater risk: They had nearly 300 percent higher odds of being sexually assaulted than non-transgender men.
      • Among non-transgender men, gay and bisexual men had higher odds of sexual assault than heterosexual men, and black men had higher odds than white men.
      • Among non-transgender women, bisexual women had higher odds of sexual assault than heterosexual women. Compared with white women, black women had higher odds of sexual assault, while Latino and Asian women had lower odds.
      • Among transgender people, black transgender people had higher odds of sexual assault than white transgender people.
    • Solutions would be to:
      • Offer Inclusion: Students who perceived that their campus was more inclusive of sexual- and gender-minority people had 27 percent lower odds of having been sexually assaulted than their peers who felt their campus was less inclusive.

      • Offer Culturally Competent Interventions: when sexual assault prevention efforts solely focus on heterosexual violence, it invalidates sexual- and gender-minority people’s assault experiences and increase chances for victimization. To overcome this programs could be augmented to explicitly address homophobia, biphobia, transphobia and racism. 

Trying to Move the Elephant in the Living Room: Responding to the Challenge of False Rape Reports

  • The author begins by discussing the “2% statistic,” which is drawn from the FBI’s Uniform Crime Report (UCR) program.
  • The reasons the  “2% statistic” is inaccurate includes:
    • This statistic was based on the percentage of forcible rape reports that were reported to the FBI as unfounded, a category that includes cases that are false as well as those that are baseless.
    • That the percentage of unfounded reports in the UCR program is higher than the proportion of reports that are false.
    • Yet the UCR program does not require law enforcement agencies to distinguish reports that are unfounded because they are false versus baseless.
      • Baseless means that there is not sufficient evidence to prove the crime; False means a crime did not occur.
    • FBI does not publish the rates of unfounded crime reports (including forcible rape) every year.
      • Most recent unfounding rate for forcible rape was 5% in 2006, which is considerably higher than the rate for all other offenses tracked as Index crimes.
  • STAGGERING STATISTICS:
    • They teach us that the vast majority of sexual assaults are in fact serial rapes.
    • Of the 120 rapists, just more than one third (36.7%) committed a single act of rape.
    • In contrast, almost two thirds (63.3%) committed multiple rapes.
    • In fact, these 76 rapists actually committed a total of 439 rapes, which translates to an average of 5.8 per rapist.
  • The sexual assault cases in this article is not a  “misunderstanding,” “miscommunication,” “gray area,” or “regretted sex” ; the sexual assault cases ential pattern of predatory behavior where victims are targeted intentionally.
    • Predatory behavior: where young college women are targeted and groomed during the week with special attention and an invitation to attend a fraternity party over the weekend. Once at the party, these “targets” are encouraged to drink alcohol and then led to an isolated room, designated for the purpose of sexual activities.
  • The things that make people  suspicious or less likely to believe a victim include:
    • A report of sexual assault that is committed by someone the victim knows (especially if there was a prior sexual relationship),
    • A report of sexual assault with no weapon and only instrumental levels of violence,
    • A report of sexual assault with little or no physical resistance by the victim,
    • A report of sexual assault with drug or alcohol use by one or both parties, and a delayed report.
  • However in  most sexual assault cases in the real world:
    • Most sexual assault victims know their attacker.
    • Most  sexual assault victims delay reporting (or never report).
    • Most sexual assault victims do not physically resist.
    • Many victims and/or suspects use alcohol or drugs at the time of the assault.
    • Most suspects do not resort to the use of severe physical violence or a weapon.
  • Consequences of not believing sexual assault victims:
    • Secondary Victimization by Criminal Proceedings: after sexual victimization some individuals are denied justice and retribution because society refuses to believe them.
      • Fancy, a Newtown High School sophomore, was eventually sentenced to pick up garbage for three days. In 2003, a DNA check nabbed Elias, 33, who was already serving a 15-year sentence for raping two other teens in assaults that occurred after his attack on this victim.
    • Repeated Perpetration: when sexual victimization occurs and society refuses to believe the victim it allows the perpetrator to continue victimizing other individuals.
      • In Cleveland, 3 different victims unsuccessfully attempted to report Anthony Sowell a sexual predator who raped and strangled women. Sowell was able to continue with his crimes because police placed many barriers and obstacles in the way for the victims.
  • It is important to remember:
    • For someone who is looking to commit a sexual assault, the “perfect victim” is a person who is unlikely to report the crime—or if he or she does, the type of person who will not be believed or taken seriously.
    • The most powerful tool in the arsenal of rapists because it allows them to commit their crimes with impunity.

A 10-Year Update of "Review and Critique of Empirical Studies of Rape Avoidance

  • The article begins by address how physical  resistance  has played a crucial role when defining and identifying rape; rape  has been defined as vaginal penetration of a female against her will by force or threat of force without her consent  from English common law to FBI this current day.
    • The failure to resist has lead to victim blaming:
      • The expectation that women resist serves to hold women responsible for controlling male sexual aggression and contributes to victim blaming in cases of rape.
      • Victimologist Menachem Amir (1971) is reflected in his theory of victim precipitation, which states that at least some rapes are the result of behaviors engaged in by victims that led to or precipitated their attacks.
    • Negative impact of not resisting include:
      • harm to women’s psychological functioning and may lead to or reinforce their own self-blame for being raped.
    • Resistance and rape avoidance are important because research shows that women who have experienced a completed rape have poorer mental health, such as more depression, anxiety, suicidal ideation, and suicide attempts, than women experiencing attempted rape.
    • Sexual assaults can be  related to poorer physical health outcomes such as  acute physical injuries, acute health problems, and an increased risk of developing chronic medical conditions.
    • There is  risks of contracting sexually transmitted diseases or becoming pregnant are higher if they suffer completed rapes.
  • Effective resistance  strategies  include:
    • Forceful physical resistance: Studies of police-reported rapes and unreported rapes identified in the National Crime Victimization Survey continue to show that women who fight back forcefully are more likely to avoid completed rape.
      • Forceful physical resistance or fighting refers to physical actions women use against their attackers, including biting, scratching, hitting, using a weapon, and martial arts or other physical self-defense techniques.
    • Nonforceful physical resistance: Most research continues to find that women using these forms of physical resistance are more likely to avoid completed rape and no more or less likely to be physically injured. Recent evidence supports the efficacy of physical resistance.
      • Nonforceful physical resistance strategies used by women against attackers include fleeing, guarding one’s body with one’s arms, struggling, and so forth.
    • Forceful verbal resistance: These are effective strategies for avoiding rape, particularly in response to offenders using verbal threats.
      • Forceful verbal resistance refers to strong verbal responses such as screaming, yelling, and swearing at the attacker.
  • A study of NCVS data  shows that physical resistance was more effective than verbal resistance for avoiding rape.
    • Ineffective resistance  strategies  include:
      • Nonforceful verbal resistance strategies include verbal responses of pleading, crying, and reasoning such as trying to talk the offender out of rape.
  • There are situational factors that may impact the ability to resist or avoid assault:
    • Social Situation or  Environment: Bars appear to be quite risky settings for women because they are more likely to be both physically and sexually attacked in and around these contexts
    • Alcohol Consumption: drinking by offenders and victims prior to attack may affect both women’s likelihood of being attacked and the assault outcomes.
    • The victim-offender relationship  can affect the outcome of rape.
      •  This refers to whether the victim knew the offender prior to the attack and the nature of that relationship such as a  stranger, nonromantic acquaintance, romantic acquaintance, husband/lover; affect the outcome of rape.
        • At least two thirds of rapes are committed by men known to the victim. A woman’s relationship to the attacker prior to the assault is related to the rape outcome.                   
        • Married women reported not resisting assaults by their husbands because they felt it was their duty to submit.  
        • Rapes by acquaintances and intimates often occur indoors, in isolated locations, and sometimes are part of a series of attacks by the same perpetrator.
          • Factors related to risk of acquaintance rape, such as women initiating dates, men paying for dates, use of alcohol or drugs by one or both parties, and women going to men’s homes.
    • Number of Attackers: rapes committed by more than one man (e.g., gang rapes) appear to be more violent in nature, and women are less able to avoid completed rape and other sexual acts in these cases than in single-offender rapes.
    • There are  social-psychological barriers to resisting rape have been reported by women such as fear of rejection by the man and/or one’s peer net- work, embarrassment, and perceiving that one is too intoxicated to escape even if one resists.
  • Whether a weapon is involved:
    • Victims attacked with weapons are more likely to develop posttraumatic stress disorder because of fear they might have been killed during the attack.
    • Rapists appear to use weapons to inhibit victim resistance, not want to cause injuries.
  • One’s risk of being victimized can be explained by the convergence of several factors: risky situations, suitable targets, motivated offenders, and an absence of capable guardians.
    • For example, a young woman drinking alone in a bar who meets a sexually aggressive man may face a higher risk of sexual victimization.
  • Protective factors or preventive factors would include:
    • Training in physical self-defense skills had enhanced efficacy and coping, decreased perceived vulnerability to assault, increased freedom of action, and decreased avoidance behaviors.
    • Feminists argue that self-defense training empowers women and girls to overcome passive female gender role socialization. 
    • Educating men and women about rape statistics, gender role attitudes and socialization, and rape myths. 
      • Teaching Men about what rape is (e.g., definition, rape myths, impact of rape) and how to interact with women respectfully without ignoring their needs or refusals of sexual advances.
      • Men also need to know that drinking is not an excuse for rape and that getting a woman drunk and having sex with her actually constitutes rape.                         
    • It is effective when educators help women to identify barriers to their own self-protection, such as feelings of unworthiness, and help them to define men’s sexual aggression as wrong and the responsibility of men, not women.
    • Effective risk reduction programs should focus on teaching women about risky situations, effective resistance strategies, and formal self-defense training.
    • The presence of bystanders was associated with avoiding rape.

Preventing Sexual Aggression Among College Men: An Evaluation of a Social Norms and Bystander Intervention Program

  • This study assessed the effectiveness of a program's ability to prevent and reduce sexual aggression.
    • Men and women living in randomly selected 1st-year dormitories participated in tailored single-sex sexual assault prevention or risk-reduction programs.
    • The program incorporated social norms and bystander intervention education.
      • Bystander approaches teach individuals skills to take action and to intervene when witnessing risky peer behavior.
    • Participants self-reported sexual aggression(SA) and the likelihood to intervene when they encountered inappropriate behavior in others.
    • In summary participants reported less reinforcement for engaging in sexually aggressive behavior, reported fewer associations with sexually aggressive peers, and indicated less exposure to sexually explicit media.
  •     The program's objective was to:
    • Decrease rape myth acceptance and negative attitudes toward women.
    • Increase the accuracy of men’s perceptions of other men’s attitudes and behaviors.
    • Create more appropriate norms regarding SA behavior, including decreasing bystander
    • Increase behaviors that ensure mutual uncoerced consent.
    • Reduce rates of sexual aggression.
  • Positive outcomes that were reported include:
    • Men in the program group found SA behavior less reinforcing.
    • Decreases in associations with SA peers and exposure to sexually explicit media relative to the control group.
    • Believes that peers would be more likely to intervene when they witnessed inappropriate behavior in others compared with men in the control group.
      • Men's own willingness to intervene is strongly associated with their perceptions of how other men might act in similar situations rather than a function of program participation
    • The bystander intervention program had a positive effect on self-reported bystander behavior in both men and women participants.
  • What may be needed more is:
    • Peer support to intervene.
    • Strategies that would ensure that posttreatment gains are maintained.
  • The result showed:
    • Men self reported engaging in less sexual aggression if they were in the program compared with the control group over the 4-month follow-up.
    • Whereas 1.5% of men in the program group reported perpetrating sexual aggression over the 4-month follow-up, 6.7% of men reported perpetrating sexual aggression over the interim in the control group.
    • At the 7-month follow-up, including that they were more likely to label unwanted sexual situations as rape to a greater degree than men in the control group
    • Positive changes in rape myth acceptance did not occur as a function of program participation.
      • Must keep in account that these constructs and schemes developed over a decade ago
    •  many men perpetrate repeatedly and that more intensive intervention may be needed to maintain changes for a longer period of time.
      • Specifically, 24% of men with a history of sexual aggression perpetrated over the 4-month follow-up, and 23.5% of men who perpetrated sexual aggression over the 4-month follow-up also perpetrated over the 7-month follow-up.
      • Specifically, only 3% of men without a history of sexual aggression engaged in sexual aggression over the 4-month follow-up, and 1.4% of men who did not perpetrate over the 4-month follow-up engaged in sexual aggression over the 7-month follow-up.
        • It should be noted that a very small group of men commit the majority of these assaults.
  • Limitations
    • The majority of outcome measures involved self-report, it is unclear the extent to which participants’ reports were valid. In studies such as these, social desirability of responses becomes an issue

A systematic review of primary prevention strategies for sexual violence perpetration

  • This systematic review examined 140 outcome evaluations of primary prevention strategies for sexual violence perpetration.         
    • In the 104 reports 73 described a single study in which one prevention strategy was evaluated using a comparison group or pre– post design.
    • While 31 reports described findings from more than one evaluation study.             
    • Studies were classified as having either a rigorous or non-rigorous evaluation design.
      • Rigorous evaluation designs included experimental studies with random assignment to an intervention or control condition.
      • Non-rigorous evaluation designs would include:
        • quasi-experimental designs  (which is when subjects are not randomly assign subjects to control and experimental groups).
        • Studies of comparison groups without randomization to condition, including matched groups) and pre–post designs were considered.                 
  • The variables coded included the report type, study design, sample, nature of the prevention strategy (i.e., setting, delivery, dose, stated program goals, program content), and relevant program outcomes.
    • Study outcomes relevant to sexual violence were coded within the following key categories:
      • sexually violent behavior including rates or reports of perpetration or victimization
      • rape proclivity or self-reported likelihood of future sexual perpetration
      • attitudes about gender roles, sexual violence, sexual behavior, or bystander intervention
      • knowledge about sexual violence rates, definitions, and laws.
  • The review had two goals:

1) to describe and assess the breadth, quality, and evolution of evaluation research in this area.

2) to summarize the best available research evidence for sexual violence prevention practitioners by categorizing programs with regard to their evidence of effectiveness on sexual violence behavioral outcomes in a rigorous evaluation.

        Results                  

  • Table 1 provides information such as  research design, study population, intervention length within the  140 studies and interventions.
    • Since 2000, 53.7% of published studies were RCTs
    • 19.4% were quasi- experimental
    • 26.9%  were pre–post designs
    • 34.3% of these studies measured outcomes at immediate post-test only,
    • 26.9% of studies assessed outcomes after at least 5 months.
  • Table 2 summarizes patterns of intervention effects by study characteristic and outcome types.
    • Studies with mixed effects across outcome types and follow-up periods were most common (41.4%; n = 58).
    • More than one-quarter of studies (27.9; n = 39) reported only positive effects and another.
    • 21.4% (n = 30) reported there was no
    • Nine studies (6.4%) had at least one negative finding suggesting that the intervention was associated with increased reporting of sexually violent behavior, rape proclivity or attitudes toward sexual violence.    
  • In Table 3, confirmed that three interventions were categorized as effective for sexual violence behavioral outcomes: Safe Dates, Shifting Boundaries building-level intervention, and funding associated with the 1994 U.S. Violence Against Women Act.                      
    • Shifting Boundaries is a universal, school-based dating violence prevention program for middle school students with two components: a 6-session classroom-based curriculum and a building-level intervention addressing policy and safety concerns in schools.
    • Safe Dates is a universal dating violence prevention program for middle- and high-school students involving a 10-session curriculum addressing attitudes, social norms, and healthy relationship skills, a 45- minute student play about dating violence, and a poster contest.             
    • The U.S. Violence Against Women Act of 1994 (VAWA) aimed to increase the prosecution and penalties associated with sexual assault, stalking, intimate partner violence and other forms of violence against women, as well as to fund research, education and awareness programs, prevention activities, and victim services.
      • Ironically three interventions were classified as not potentially harmful in this review.
        • The negative outcomes could likely be explained by promoting a victim centered environment it can  cause more reporting of sexual violence because  survivors feel safe.
  • 9 “principles of prevention” that were strongly associated with positive effects across multiple literatures and found that effective interventions had the following characteristics: (a) comprehensive, (b) appropriately timed, (c) utilized varied teaching methods, (d) had sufficient dosage, (e) were administered by well-trained staff, (f) provided opportunities for positive relationships, (g) were socio-culturally relevant, (h) were theory-driven, and (i) included outcome evaluation.

The Evaluation of Campus-Based Gender Violence Prevention Programming: What We Know about Program Effectiveness and Implications for Practitioners

  • The reasons to implement  campus-based gender violence prevention programming include:
    • That the relationship between violence prevention programs and the incidence of sexual violence on campus is quite complex and require expertise to understand.     
      • Although reduction of incidents of sexual violence is the goal; universities experience an increase in reports of sexual assault once they begin to engage their campus community in such programs  since it creates a safer climate where victims feel more comfortable reporting.                
    • Utilizing a “decrease in the incidence of sexual assault” as the only measure of success for prevention programs ignores other significant correlated goals.                    
      • For example an  increase students’ knowledge about rape and to change attitudes related to rape so that students are less likely to blame victims and  reduce in the incidence of sexual violence; however only the  decrease in the incidence of sexual assault is being measured.                     
    • Violence prevention programming are needed on college campuses as a significant number of women are hurt by sexual violence while attending college.                      
      • Approximately 20 percent of females attending college had experienced sexual assault while in college and the 2010 National Intimate Partner and Sexual Violence Survey reported that 80 percent of female sexual assault victims experienced their first rape before the age of 25.
  • Campus-based prevention programs has various elements:
    • It is based on the argument that sexual assault is culturally constructed and supported and that rape is a learned behavior that can be unlearned.
    • Addresses that  sexual violence as a choice made by perpetrators who are often supported or tolerated by their peers, their communities, and a culture where the sexualization and exploitation of women and girls is the norm.
  • Sexual violence prevention programs
    • The objectives of such prevention programs can include: reducing attitudes that support rape, increasing knowledge about sexual violence, building empathy for survivors of sexual assault increasing resistance strategies and skills and, increasing the likelihood that participants will intervene in potentially abusive or violent situations.                                                    

  • It is important to know the following about sexual violence risk reduction programming:

    • The goal of such programming has been to reduce the incidence of sexual assault victimization experienced by women.

    • The principal goal of decreased victimization include increased con dence in and willingness to use assertiveness to resist sexually threatening advances, increased clarity in sexual communication, decreased self-blame, and increased knowledge of sexual assault statistics and dynamics.             

    • Programs do not support the attitude that women are responsible to prevent their own rape.

    • They draw on the idea that women have the power to reduce their own risk in some situations.                                             
  • It is important to know the following about empathy building programs:
    • Empathy-based programs give participants the skills to understand sexual violence, provide compassionate responses to disclosures, and reduce the likelihood of sexual assault perpetration by males.            
    • In one study of The Men’s Program, an empathy-based program targeted specifically at men,found that men who participated in the program and joined a fraternity reported less sexually coercive behavior than fraternity men who did not participate.
  • It is important to know the following about rape awareness programs:                    
    • It focuses on increasing knowledge about sexual violence, reducing students’ beliefs in myths about rape (such as “no means maybe” and “most rapes are committed by strangers”), and decreasing attitudes that support rape (such as “a lot of women lead a man on and they claim to be raped”).
    • The goals are based on the assumption that changing beliefs and attitudes about sexual violence will eventually lead to a decrease assaults.
  • It is important to know the following about bystander programs:                        
    • It engages men and women not as potential perpetrators or victims, but rather as potential bystanders to situations involving sexual or intimate partner violence.
    • Bystander prevention programs presume that all members of the community have a role in shifting norms to prevent violence.  
  • It is important to consider gender as a factor:                    
    • It may be wise for universities to have programming for all-male groups (bystander or empathy-based programs), all female groups (resistance/risk reduction or bystander programs), and mixed gender groups (bystander programs).
    • Mixed-gender audiences have shown improvements in desired outcomes.
    • However  the effect of interventions is greater with single-gender audiences (with the exception of bystander programs where effectiveness seems unrelated to the gender composition of participants).
  • It is important to consider  time of exposure and duration as a factor:    
    • These programs do result in some short-term increases in knowledge and decreases in attitudes that support rape.
    • They do not result in long-term significant changes in knowledge and attitudes
    • The longer and more frequent exposures to interventions result in greater outcomes.

                        

Responding to College Campus Acquaintance Rape: Contextual Issues and the Challenge of Inter- Organizational Collaboration